The following document was prepared by a committee appointed on 1 June 1604.  It was read in the House 20 June.  It was recommitted by order of the House and not reported out again before adjournment on 7 July.  No copy was inserted in the Journal of the House of Commons.  It was later transcribed by J. R. Tanner, then corrected by G. R. Elton, and may be found in Constitutional Documents of the Reign of James I, 217-30.

To the King's most excellent Majesty: From the House of Commons assembled in Parliament
         Most gracious Sovereign, We cannot but with much joy and thankfulness of mind acknowledge your Majesty's great graciousness in declaring lately unto us by the mouth of our Speaker that you rested now satisfied with our doings.
         Which satisfaction notwithstanding, though most desired and dear unto us, yet proceeding merely from your Majesty's most gracious disposition and not from any justification which on our behalf hath been made, we found this joy intermingled with no small grief, and could not, dread Sovereign, in our dutiful love to your Majesty and in our ardent desire of the continuance of your favour towards us, but tender in humble sort this farther satisfaction, being careful to stand right not only in the eye of your Majesty's Grace but also (and that much more) in the balance of your princely judgment, on which all assuredness of love and grace is founded.  Into which course of proceedings we have not been rashly carried by vain humour of curiousity, of contradiction, of presumption, or of love of our own devices or doings,--unworthy affections in a Council of Parliament and more unworthy in subjects towards their Lord and Sovereign.
         But, as the searcher and judge of all hearts doth know, for these and for no other undue ends in the world: to increase and nourish your Majesty's gracious affection towards your loyal and most loving people; to assure and knit all your subjects' hearts most firmly to your Majesty: to take away all cause of jealousy on either part, and diffidence for times ensuing; and to prevent and control all sinister reports which might be unreasonably spread, either at home or abroad, with prejudice to your Majesty or the good state of your kingdom.
         With these minds, dread Sovereign, your Commons of England, represented in us their knights, citizens, and burgesses, do come  with this humble declaration to your Highness, and in great assurance of your most gracious disposition, that your Majesty, with benignity of mind correspondent to our dutifulness, will be pleased to peruse it.
         We know, and with great thankfulness to God acknowledge, that he hath given us a King of such understanding and wisdom as is rare to find in any prince in the world.
         Howbeit, seeing no human wisdom, how great soever, can pierce into the particularities of the rights and customs of people or of the sayings and doings of particular persons but by tract of experience and faithful report of such as know them (which it hath pleased your Majesty's princely mouth to deliver), what grief, what anguish of mind hath it been unto us at some time in presence to hear, and so in other things to find and feel by effect, your gracious Majesty (to the extreme prejudice of all your subjects of England, and in particular of this House of the Commons thereof) so greatly wronged by misinformation as well touching the estate of the one as the privileges of the other, and their several proceedings during this Parliament: Which misinformations, though apparent in themselves and to your subjects most injurious, yet have we in some humble and dutiful respect rather hitherto complained of amongst ourselves than presumed to discover and opposed against your Majesty.
         But now, no other help or redress appearing, and finding those misinformations to have been the first, yea, the chief and almost the sole cause of all the discontentful and troublesome proceedings so much blamed in this Parliament,
         And that they might be again the cause of like or greater discontents and troubles hereafter (which the Almighty Lord forbid), we have been constrained, as well in duty to your royal Majesty whom with faithful hearts we serve as to our dear native country for which we serve in this Parliament, to break our silence, and freely to disclose unto your Majesty the truth of such matters concerning your sujects the Commons as hitherto by misinformation hath been suppressed or perverted: Wherein that we may more plainly proceed (which next unto truth we affect in this discourse), we shall reduce these misinformations to three principal heads:
         First, Touching the cause of the joyful receiving of your Majesty into this your kingdom.
         Secondly, Concerning the rights and liberties of your subjects of England, the the privileges of this House.
         Thirdly, Touching the several actions and speeches pased in the House.
         It has been told us to our faces by some of no small place  (and the same spoken also in the presence of your Majesty) that on the 24th of March was a twelvemonth we stood in so great fear that we would have given half we were worth for the security wherein we now stand.
         Whereby some misunderstanders of thing might perhaps conjecture that fear of our own misery had more prevailed with us in the duty which on that day was performed, than love of your Majesty's virtues and hope of your goodness towards us.
         We contrariwise most truly protest the contrary, that we stood not at that time, nor of many a day before, in any dout or fear at all.
         We all professing true religion by law estalished (being by manifold degrees the greater, the stronger, and the more respective part of this your Majesty's realm), standing clear in our consciences touching your Majesty's right, were both resolute with our lives and all other our abilities to have maintained the same against all the world, and vigilant also in all parts to have suppressed such tumult as, but in regard of our poor united minds and readiness, by the malcontented and turbulent might have been attempted.
         But the true cause of our extraordinary great cheerfulness and joy in performing that day's duty, was the great and extraordinary love which we bear towards your Majesty's most royal and renowned person, and a longing thirst to enjoy the happy fruits of your Majesty's most wise, religious, just, virtuous, and gracious heart; whereof not rumour but your Majesty's own writings had given us a strong and undoubted assurance.
         For from hence, dread Sovereign, a general hope was raised the minds of all your people that under your Majesty's reign religion, peace, justice, and all virtue should renew again and flourish; that the better sort should be cherished, the bad reformed or repressed, and some moderate ease should be given us of those burdens and sore oppressions under which the whole land did groan.
         This hope being so generally and so firmly settled in the minds of all your most loyal and most loving people, recounting what great alienation of men's hearts the defeating of great hopes doth usually breed, we could not in duty as well unto your Majesty as to our country, cities, and boroughs, who hath sent us hither not ignorant or uninstructed of their griefs, of their desires, and hopes, but, according to the ancient use and liberty of Parliaments, present our several humble petitions to your Majesty of different nature, some for right and some for grace, to the easing and relieving of us of some just burdens and of other some unjust oppressions, wherein what due care and what respect we have had that your Majesty's honour and profit should be enjoyed with the content and satisfaction of your people, shall afterwards in their several due places appear.
         Now concerning the ancient rights of the subjects of this realm, chiefly consisting in the privileges of this House of Parliament, the misinformation openly delivered to your Majesty hath been in three things:
         First, That we held not privileges of right, but of grace only, renewed every Parliament by way of donature upon petition, and so to be limited.
         Secondly, That we are no Court of Record, nor yet a Court that can command view of records, but that our proceedings here are only to acts and memorials, and that the attendance with the records is courtesy, not duty.
         Thirdly and lastly, That the examination of the return of writs for knights and burgesses is without our compass, and due to the Chancery.
         Against which assertions, most gracious Sovereign, tending directly and apparently to the utter overthrow of the very fundamental privileges of our House, and therein of the rights and liberties of the whole Commons of your realm of England which they and their ancestors from time immemorable have undoutedly enjoyed under your Majesty's most noble progenitors, we, the knights, citizens, and burgesses  of the House of Commons assembled in Parliament and in the name of the whole commons of the realm of England, with uniform consent for ourselves and our posterity, do expressly protest, as being derogatory in the highest degree to the true dignity, liberty, and authority of your Majesty's High Court of Parliament, and consequently to the rights of all your Majesty's said sujects and the whole body of this your kingdom: And desire: that this our protestation may be recorded to all posterity.
         And contrariwise, with all humble and due repect to your Majesty our Sovereign Lord and Head, against those misinformations we most truly avouch,
         First, That our privileges and liberties are our right and due inheritance, no less than our very lands and goods.
         Secondly, That they cannot be withheld from us, denied, or impaired, ut with apparent wrong to the whole state of the realm.
         Thirdly, And that our making of request in the entrance of Parliament to enjoy our privilege is an act only of manners, and doth weaken our right no more than our suing to the King for our lands by petition....
         Fourthly, We avouch also, That our House is a Court of Record, and so ever esteemed.
         Fifthly, That there is not the highest standing Court in this land that ought to enter into competency [competition], either for dignity or authority, with this High Court of Parliament, which with your Majesty's royal assent gives laws to other Courts but from other Courts receives neither laws nor orders.
         Sixthly and lastly, We avouch that the House of Commons is the sole proper judge of return of all such writs and of the election of all such members as belong to it, without which the freedom of election were not entire: And that the Chancery, though a standing Court under your Majesty, be to send out those writs and receive the returns and to preserve them, yet the same is done only for the use of the Parliament, over which neither the Chancery nor any other Court ever had or ought to have any manner of jurisdiction.
         From these misinformed positions, most gracious Sovereign, the greatest part of our troubles, distrusts, and jealousies have risen; having apparently found that in the first Parliament of the happy reign of your Majesty the privileges of our House, and therein the liberties and stability of the whole kingdom, have been more universally and dangerously impugned than ever (as we suppose) since the beginnings of Parliaments.
         Although it may be true that in the late times of Queen Elizabeth one privilege now and then were by some particular act attempted against, yet not obscurely injured, yet was not the same ever as by published speech nor by positions in general denounced against our own privileges.  Besides that in respect of her sex and age which we had great cause to tender, and much more upon care to avoid all trouble which by wicked practice might have been drawn to impeach the quiet of your Majesty's right in the succession, those actions were then passed over which we hoped, in succeeding times of freer access to your Highness of renowned grace and justice, to redress, restore, and rectify.  Whereas contrariwise in this Parliament, which your Majesty in great grace (as we nothing doubt) intended to be a precedent for all Parliaments that should succeed, clean contrary to your Majesty's so gracious desire, by reason, of these misinformations not privileges but the whole freedom of the Parliament and realm have from time to time upon all occasions been mainly hewed at.  As
         First, The freedom of persons in our election hath been impeached.
         Secondly, The freedom of our speech prejudiced by often reproofs.
         Thirdly, Particular persons noted with taunt and disgrace who have spoken their consciences in matters proposed to the House, but with all due respect and reverence to your Majesty.
         Whereby we have been in the end subject to so extreme contempt as a gaoler durst so obstinately withstand the decrees of our, House.  Some of the higher clergy to write a book against us, ever sitting the Parliament.  The inferior clergy to inveigh against us in pulpits, yea, to publish their protestations, tending to the impeachment of our most ancient and undoubted rights in treating of matters for the peace and good order of the Church.
         What cause we your poor Commons have to watch over our privileges is manifest in itself to all men.  The prerogatives of princes may easily and do daily grow; the privileges of the subject are for the most part at an everlasting stand.  They may be by good providence and care preserved, but being once lost are not recovered but with much disquiet.  If good kings were immortal as well as kingdoms, to strive so for privilege were but vanity perhaps and folly; but seeing the same God who in his great mercy hath given us a wise King and religious doth also sometimes permit hypocrites and tyrants in his displeasure and for the sins of the people, from hence hath the desire of rights, liberties, and privileges, both for nobles and commons, had its just original, by which an harmonical and stable State is framed, each member under the Head enjoying that right and performing that duty which for the honour of the Head and happiness of the whole is requisite.
         Thus much touching the wrong done to your Majesty by misinformation touching our privileges.  The last kind of misinformation made to your Majesty hath been touching the actions and speeches of particular persons used in the House.  Which imputaion notwithstanding, seeing it reacheth the whole House in general, who neither ought, neither have, at any time suffered any speech touching your Majesty other than respective, dutiful, and as become loyal sujects of a King so gracious; and forasmuch as it is very clear unto us by the effect that divers things spoken in the House have been perverted and very untruly reported to your Majesty, if it might seem so fit in your Majesty's wisdom and were seemly for us to crave, we should be most glad if, for our better justification and for your further satisfaction which we principally desire, the accusers and the accused might be confronted.
         And now, most gracious Sovereign, these necessary grounds of our causes and defences being truly laid, and presented sincerely to your Majesty's grace and wisdom, the justification  of such particulars wherein your Highness seemed doubtful of our dutiful carriage (though not so much for the matter as for the manner of our proceedings) we trust will be plain; and to expedite which particulars we find them to have been of three different natures:
         The first sort, concerning the dignity and privileges of our House.
         The second, the good estate of the realm and Church.
         The third was for ease of certain grievances and oppressions.
         The rights of the liberties of the Commons of England consisteth chiefly in these three things:
         First, That the shires, cities, and boroughs of England, by representation to be present, have free choice of such persons as they shall put in trust to represent     them.
         Secondly, That the persons chosen, during the time of the  Parliament as also of their accecss and recess, be free from restraint, arrest, and imprisonment.
         Thirdly, That in Parliament they may speak freely their  consciences without check and controlment, doing the same with due reverence to the Sovereign Court of Parliament, that is, to your Majesty and both the Houses, who all in this case make but one politic body whereof your Highness is the Head.
         These three several branches of the ancient inheritance of  our liberty were in three matters ensuing apparently injured: the  freedom of election in the case of Sir Francis Goodwin; the freedom of the persons elected in Sir Thomas Shirley's imprisonment; the freedom of our speech, as by divers other reproofs, so also in some sort by the Bishop of Bristol's invective.
         For the matter of Sir Francis Goodwin, the knight chosen for Buckinghamshire, we were and still are of a clear opinion that the freedom of election was in that action extremely injured; that by the same right it might be at all times in a Lord Chancellor's power to reverse, defeat, to reject and substitute, all the elections and persons elected over all the realm.  Neither thought we that the Judges' opinion, which yet in due place we greatly reverence, being delivered what the Common Law was, which extends only to inferior and standing Courts, ought to bring any prejudice to this High Court of Parliament, whose power being above the law is not founded on the Common Law but have their rights and privileges peculiar to themselves.
         For the manner of our proceeding, which your Majesty seemed  to blame in that, the second writ going out in your Majesty's name, we presumed to censure it without first craving access to a acquaint your Highness with our reasons therein, we trust our defence shall appear just and reasonable.  It is the form of the Court of Chancery, as of divers other Courts, that writs going out in your Majesty's name are returned also as to your Majesty in that Court from whence they issue; howbeit therefore no man ever repaireth to your Majesty's person, but proceeds according to law notwithstanding the writ.  This being the universal custom of this kingdom, it was not nor  could be admitted into our conceits that the difference was between your Majesty and us (for God forbid that between so gracious a Sovereign and so dutiful and loving subjects any difference should arise); but it always was and still is conceived that the controversy was between the Court of Chancery and our Court, an usual controversy  between Courts about their preeminences and privileges: And that the  question was, whether the Chancery or our House of the Commons were judge of the members returned for it.  Wherein though we supposed  the wrong done to be most apparent, and extremely prejudicial for the rights and liberties of this realm, yet such and so great was our willingness to please your Majesty as to yield to a middle course proposed by your Highness, preserving only our privleges by voluntary cessions of the lawful knights.  And this course as it were of deceiving of ourselves and yielding in our apparernt right (wheresoever we could but invent such ways of escape as that the precedent might not be hurtful) we have held, dread Sovereign, more than once this Parliament, upon desire to avoid that which in your Majesty by misinformation, whereof we have had cause always to stand in doubt, might be distasteful or not approvable, so dear hath your Majesty's gracious favour been unto us.
         In the delivery of Sir Thomas Shirley our proceedings were long; our defence of them shall be brief.  We had to do with a man, the Warden of the Fleet, so intractable and of so resolved obstinacy as that nothing we could do, no, not your Majesty's royal word for confirmation thereof, could satisfy him for his own security.  This was the cause of [the/] length of that business: our privileges were so shaken before, and so extremely vilified, as that we held it not fit in so unreasonable a time and against so mean a subject to seek our right by any other course of law or by any strenght than by our own.
         The Bishop of Bristol's book was injurious and grievous to us, being written expressly with contempt of the Parliament and of both the Houses in the highest degree; undertaking to deface the reasons proposed by the Commons, approved by the honourable Lords, confirmed by the Judges, and finally by your royal Majesty not disassented to.  And to increase the wrong, with strange untruths he had perverted those reasons in their main drift and scope, pretending that they were devised to impugn the Union itself; whereas both by their title and by themselves it was clear and evident that they were only used against alteration of name, and that not simply, but before the Union of both realms in substance were perfected.  This book being thus written and published to the world, containing moreover sundry slanderous passages and tending to murmurs, distraction, and sedition, we could not do less against the writer thereof than to complain of the injury to the Lords of the Higher House, whereof he had now attained to be a member.
         These wrongs were to the dignity of our House and privileges.  Touching the causes appertaining to State and Church, true it is we were long in treating and debating the matter of Union.  The propsitions were new, the importance great, the consequences far reaching and not discoverable but by long disputes; our numbers also as large, and each hath liberty to speak.  But the doubts and difficulties once cleared or removed, how far we are from opposing to the just desires of your Majesty, as some evil-disposed minds would perhaps insinuate who live by division and prosper by disgrace of other men, the great expedition, alacrity, and unanimity which was used and shewed in passing the Bill may sufficiently testify.
         For the matter of religion, it will appear by examination of truth and right that your Majesty should be misinformed if any man should deliver that the Kings of England have any absolute power in themselves either to alter Religion (which God defend should be in the power of any mortal man whatsoever), or to make any laws concerning the same otherwise than as in temporal causes, by consent of Parliament.  We have and shall at all times by our oaths acknowledge that your Majesty is Sovereign Lord and Supreme Governor in both.  Touching our own desires and proceedings therein, they have not been a little misconceived and misreported.  We have not come in any Puritan or Brownist spirit, to introduce their purity to work the subversion of the state ecclesiatical as now it standeth; things so far and so clearly from our meaning as that with uniform consent in the beginning of this Parliament we committed to the Tower a man who out of that humour in a petition exhibited to our House had slandered the Bishops.   But according to the tenor of your Majesty's writ of summons directed to the counties from whence we came, and according to the ancient and long continued use of Parliaments as by many records from time to time appeareth, we come with another spirit, even with the spirit of peace.  We disputed not of matters of faith and doctrine; our desire was peace only and our device of unity, how this lamentable and long-lasting dissension amongst the ministers, from which both atheism, sects, and all ill life have received such encouragement and so dangerous increase, might at length before help come too late, be extinguished.  And for the ways of this peace, we are not all addicted to our own inventions but ready to embrace any fit way that may be offered; neither desire we so much that any man in regard of weakness of conscience may be exempted after Parliament from obedience unto laws established, as that in this Parliament such laws may be enacted as by the relinquishment of some few ceremonies of small importance, or by any way better, a perpetual uniformity may be enjoined and observed.
         Our desire hath also been to reform certain abuses crept into the ecclesiastical state even as into the temporal.  And lastly, that the land might be furnished with a learned, religious, and godly ministry; for the maintenance of whom we would have granted no small contributions, if in these as we trust just and religious desires we had found that correspondency from others which was expected.  These minds and hearts we in secret present to that Sovereign Lord who gave them, and in public profess to your gracious Majesty who we trust will so esteem them.
         There remains the matters of oppression or grievance in the Bill of Assarts.  Your Majesty's counsel was heard, namely,   your Solicitor and Sir Francis Bacon; it was also desired by the House that [other/] of your Council would have been present.  We knew that our passing the Bill could not bind your Majesty;  howbeit for sundry equitable considerations (as to us they seemed) we thought good to give so much passage to the Bill in hope your Majesty might either be pleased to remit in some sort unto this equity that right which the rigour of law had given, or otherwise intreated by this kind of solicitation, to let them fall into your Majesty's hands full of piety and mercy, and not into the jaws of devouring promoters.  And this do we understand to be your gracious intent, wherewith we rest joyfully content and satisfied.  The grievance was not unjust in rigour of law, and  was particular.  But a general, extreme, unjust, and crying  oppression is in cart-takers and purveyors, who have rummaged  and ransacked since your Majesty's coming-in far more than under  any of your royal progenitors  there hath been no prince since  Henry III except Queen Elizabeth who hath not made some one law or other to repress or limit them.  They have no prescription, no custom to plead; for there hath not been any Parliament wherein complaint hath not been made and claim of your rights, which doth interrupt prescription.  We have not in this present  Parliament sought anything against them but execution of those  laws which are in force already.  We demand but that justice which our princes are sworn neither to deny, delay, nor sell.
         That we sought into the accounts of your Majesty's expense  was not our presumption, but upon motion from the Lords of your  Majesty's Council, and after from your officers of your Highness' Household, and that upon a demand of a perpetual yearly revenue  in lieu of the taking away of those oppressions; unto which  composition neither know we well how to yield, being only for justice and due right, which is unsaleable. Neither yet durst we impose it by law upon the people without first acquainting them and having their counsel  unto it.  But if your Majesty might be pleased in your gracious favour to treat of composition with us for some grievance which is by law and just, how ready we should be to take that occasion and colour to supply your Majesty's full satisfaction.
         And therefore we come, lastly, to the matter of wards and such other just burdens (for so we acknowledge them) as to the tenures of capite and knight's service are incident.  We cannot forget (for how were it possible?) how your Majesty in a former most gracious speech in your Gallery at Whitehall advised us for unjust burdens to proceed against them by Bill, but for such as were just, if we desired any ease that we should come to yourself by way of petition, with tender of such countervailable composition in profit as for the supporting of your royal estate was requisite.  According unto which your Majesty's most favourable grant and direction, we prepared a petition to your most excellent Majesty for leave to treat with your Highness touching a perpetual composition to be raised by yearly revenue out of the lands of your sujects for wardships and other burdens depending upon them or springing with them; wherein we first entered into this dutiful consideration, that this prerogative of the Crown which we desire to compound for was matter of mere profit, and not of any honour at all or princely dignity.  For it could not then, neither yet can, by any means sink into our understandings that these economical matters of education and marrying of children, which are common also to subjects, should bring any renown or reputation to a potent monarch whose honour is settled on a higher and stronger foundation.  Faithful and loving subjects, valiant soldiers, an honourable nobility, wise counsellors, a learned and religious clergy, and a contented and a happy people are the true honour of a King; and contrariwise, that it would be an exceeding great honour and of memorable renown to your Majesty with all posterity, and in present an assured bond of the hearts of all your people, to remit unto them this burden under which our children are born.
         This prerogative then appearing to be a mere matter of  great profit, we entered into a second degree of consideration: with how great grievance and damage of the subject, to the decay of many houses and disabling of them to [serve/] their Prince and country; with how great mischief also by occaion of many forced and ill-suited marriages; and lastly, with how great contempt and reproach of our nation in foreign countries; how small a commodity now was raised to the Crown in respect of that which with great love and joy and thankfulness, for the restitution of this original right in disposing of our children, we would be  content and glad to assure unto your Majesty.
         We fell also from hence into a third degree of consideration: that it might be that in regard that the original of these wardships was serving of the King in his wars against Scotland, which cause we hope now to be at an everlasting end, and in regard, moreover, of that [general/] hope which at your Majesty's first entry by the whole land was embraced (a thing known unto all men), that they should be now for ever eased of this burden, your Majesty, out of your most noble and gracious disposition and desire to overcome our expectation with your goodness, may be pleased to accept the offer of a perpetual and certain revenue, not only proportionable to the uttermost benefit that any of your progenitors ever reaped thereby but also with such an overplus and large addition as in great part to supply your Majesty's other occasions, that our ease might breed you plenty with their humble minds.
         With these dutiful respects we intended to crave access unto your Majesty.  But that ever it was said in our House by any man that it was a slavery under your Majesty more than under our former princes, hath come from an untrue and calumnious report.  Our sayings have always been that this burden was just,  that the remitting thereof must come from your Majesty's grace,  and that the denying our suit was no wrong.
         And thus, most gracious Sovereign, with dutiful minds and sincere hearts towards your Majesty, have we truly disclosed our secret intents and delivered our outward actions in all these so much traduced and blamed matters; and from henceforward shall remain in great affiance that your Majesty resteth satisfied both in your grace and in your judgment, which above all worldly things we desire to effect before the dissolving of this Parliament, wherein so long time, with so much pains and endurance of so great sorrow, scarce anything hath been done for their good and content who sent us hither and whom we left full of hope and joyful expectation.
         There remaineth, dread Sovereign, yet one part of our duty at this present which faithfulness of heart, not presumption, doth press.  We stand not in place to speak or do things pleasing; our care is and must be to confirm the love and tie the hearts of your subjects the commons most firmly to your Majesty.  Herein lieth the means of our well deserving of both.  There was never prince entered with greater love, with greater joy and applause of all his people.  This love, this joy, let it flourish in their hearts for ever.  Let no suspicion have access to their fearful thoughts that their privileges, which they think by your Majesty should be protected, should now by sinister informations or counsel be violated or impaired, or that those which with dutiful respects to your Majesty speak freely for the right and good of their country shall be oppressed or disgraced.  Let your Majesty be pleased to receive public information from your Commons in Parliament as to the civil estate and governmet, for private informations pass often by practice: the voice of the people, in the things of their knowledge, is said to be as the voice of God.  And if your Majesty shall vouchsafe, at your best pleasure and leisure, to enter into your gracious consideration of our petition for the ease of these burdens under which your whole people have of long time mourned, hoping for relief by your Majesty, then may you be assured to be possessed of their hearts, and if of their hearts, of all they can do or have.
         And so we your Majesty's most humble and loyal subjects, whose ancestors have with great loyalty, readiness, and joyfulness served your famous progenitors, King and Queens of this Realm, shall with like loyalty and joy, both we and our posterity, serve your Majesty and your most royal issue for ever, with our lives, lands, and goods, and all other our abilities, and by all means endeavour to procure your Majesty honour, with all plenty, tranquillity, content, joy, and felicity.

   Text from J. R. Tanner, Constitutional
   Documents of the Reign of James I, pp.217-230,
   as corrected by G. R. Elton.

(return to index)